Date: October 27, 1919
Location: Middlesex Club, MA
Context: Coolidge speaks about the Boston Police Strike
The memory of a great man is with us on this day, a soldier, a statesman, a patriot, a President, but above all a great American, Theodore Roosevelt. He loved his fellow man. He loved his country. He loved justice. Life with him was a practical affair. He had thoughts and theories and principles, but they were important to him only as they gave a rule of action. With him a duty was something that ought to be done. Theodore Roosevelt was the courage of America to act. His voice is hushed now, his form is still, but his deeds live in an awakened civic conscience that takes on immortality. Others will speak of him and what he did. Let us, like him, consider what we ought to do, and knowing, let us, too, as becomes Americans, act.
Recent events here have turned the eyes of the nation again toward Bunker Hill. What others see clearly, there is danger in the confusion of a campaign we may fail to perceive. A policeman is a public officer. He is the outward symbol of the law. He represents the authority of the people. It is a high crime to interfere with him in any way in the discharge of his duties. On him depends the peace and order of the state. He is a judicial officer. Well might he remember the words of Grover Cleveland that “a public office is a public trust.” They are not employees. They are not holders of a job. No private concern is trying to make a profit out of their efforts. On the night of Tuesday, Sept. 9, about three-fourths of the Boston police abandoned their posts. They did not leave because of any grievance. They say their pay, which had just been raised $200, was small, their hours long, their station houses bad. That was not the reason they left. Besides, no one can be heard to assert that his selfish interests required him to violate the law and his oath of office. They left because they were determined not to obey the law as expressed in the rule of their department. They determined to substitute their will and their welfare for the will and welfare of all the people. Unless those in authority would permit this, they were to be forced to permit it by turning over Boston to terrorism. Force was to be substituted for law.
There was at once demonstrated the need of the order of Stephen O’Meara and the order and the rule which had the force of law against an affiliated police union. It was for this purpose alone that the police left their posts. The committee of Major Peters confirms this when it says that “at no time did the executive committee of the union or the members of the union affiliation or in any other way act upon the matter, except by vote to strike following the suspension of the 19 members who were placed upon trial. And in justice to the commissioner it should further be stated that at no time during the progress of the affair did counsel for the union or officers of the union or men upon trial take any position with the commissioner other than to insist upon continuing and retaining their membership in the union. And in justice to the Governor it should be stated that at all times he assured the members of your committee that whenever called upon for a military force he would provide sufficient men, if they could be secured, to maintain law and order. And in further justice to all parties it should be stated that the Governor and the mayor and the commissioner, in the opinion of the committee, acted at all times from the highest of motives and with but a single thought, namely: the welfare of the Commonwealth and its people.” Up to this point the question was one of police discipline. Over that the Governor has absolutely no control. With it I decline to interfere.
From then until now the question has been whether terrorism was to succeed. So long as law and order is maintained there is no terrorism. For that purpose on the evening of the strike I sent into Boston about 60 state police and about 100 metropolitan police; Some of the metropolitan police force refused to do duty. That was in part the cause of the disorder of that night. As soon as possible under the law, the mayor and I called out the State Guard. Before night, on the day the disorder started, the State Guard were on the street. There has been no disorder since they arrived that they have not been more than able to disperse. All possible help has been rendered by Mayor Peters. He did all he could in conference with me to avert the strike and all he could to help me maintain law and order. In this important work Lieutenant-Governor Cox and the Council have aided vigorously. The Lieutenant Governor knows Boston thoroughly, is a legislator of experience, a lawyer of ability, decision and force of character. His counsel has been most helpful throughout the year. Many volunteers have appeared. They have done all kinds of work from patrolling the street to serving on committees for the solicitation and distribution of funds. The existence of the Government itself is due to the loyal men of the three police forces, volunteers, State Guard, new militia and private citizens. For their sacrifice and determination no praise is too high.
An adroit attempt has been made to enlist organized labor against law and order. That has failed and will continue to fail. They desire to improve their condition. For that they organize. All that their worst enemy could wish is that they would array themselves against the peace and good order of the whole people in order to secure some fancied benefit for themselves. If that were to start, organized labor would end. The high estimation in which it comes to be held was because of its patriotic stand during the war. It did not fail to support the Government. That gave it public approval. That carried its legislation through the last session of the General Court. Labor was loyal. It refused to listen to appeals to withdraw its support from the Government. It will refuse now. If the organization of government fails, the organization of labor fails. All values fail, all opportunity for employment ends, all rights of property and of persons end. Force and terror reign alone. Organized labor is on the side of law and order and for the support of the Government. Its members in Massachusetts are not submerged. They sit in the Boston City Council, the House and the Senate, on the most important boards and commissions in the Commonwealth and in the Governor’s Council. With them right and private interest join. The government is their government. This fight is their fight. If it is lost, they cannot win. They will not be deceived. They are not bent on suicide. They never authorized the Boston police to leave their post of duty. The leaders of those who sought to overthrow the administration of the law by terrorizing Boston are on the road now, apparently well financed, still striving to gain their end. They and their associates are picketing the Government. They are hindering in every way possible the organization of a new police force. They are villifying the State Guard for doing its duty. Misled and misleading, so long as I am in authority it is my solemn duty to resist those who resist the Government. (Loud applause and prolonged cheering.)
It is of the utmost importance that this question be thoroughly understood. It is not a question between employer and employee. It has absolutely nothing to do with wages or conditions of labor. These questions can be compromised; they can be arbitrated. We cannot arbitrate the supremacy of the law. We cannot arbitrate the duty of all persons to be obedient to the law. When that is done, government ceases to exist. The will of all the people ends and the arbitrary will of some class, some dictator, begins. That is revolution. That is disorder. That is anarchy. That is destruction. Disaster, distress and universal poverty would follow in their wake. We are facing an issue which knows no party. It is not new. That issue is the supremacy of the law. On this issue America has never made but one decision. Since that day when the little band sat in the cabin of the Mayflower and, declaring the right of the people to make laws, bound themselves one to another, that they would observe obedience to those laws, America has rejected the rule of force and clung to the rule of reason. Since that day there has been a government in Massachusetts founded on the will of all the people, and that government has been supreme. This issue is the cause of all the people. It must not fail now. I am for a government of all the people founded on right and truth and justice. I am against a government of force or terrorism, or group, or class, or selfish interest, but most of all I am against an attempt at a government founded on organized mendacity. (Cries of “Good!” Applause.) The terror of force has failed. The terror of falsehood is failing. But the people must remember this is their government. If it is saved, they must save it. No party can do it. It requires the united efforts of all the people if their cause is to prevail. I have presented but most briefly the dangers. The remedy lies in action. The press of the Commonwealth and the nation, without regard to party, is unanimous in the support of this issue. I appeal to all the people to rise and stamp out terrorism of every form that there may continue to be a reign of law and ordered liberty.
Fellow members of the Middlesex Club, though not by birth or residence, yet by the major part of my American inheritance, I belong to Middlesex. I have a great pride in that county. Within her soil rest many of my ancestors. It was there our kinsmen fired the first shot for liberty. Send forth your Minutemen again that what they won we may not lose now. The courage of America to act—let that mantle of Theodore Roosevelt rest worthily and mightily upon us. (Enthusiastic and prolonged cheers.)
And let us pay our tribute to another member of this Club—Edwin U. Curtis (great applause)—who trod alone for many weeks an unblazed and bewildering path where danger lurked on every side. Let us thank God that when at last the crisis came he was so splendidly sustained. He would be here tonight were he not occupied unceasingly in building up and strengthening our breastwork of defence. We send to him our greeting and applause.
“One who never turned his back, but marched breast forward,
Never doubted clouds would break;
Never dreamed, though right were worsted, wrong would triumph;
Held we fall to rise, are baffled to fight better—sleep
to wake.”
Citation: Vermont Historical Society
(Original document available here)
The Coolidge Foundation is grateful for the efforts of Isaac Oberman, who prepared this document for digital publication.